Our Take
The clock is ticking to complete double agency turnover before the election. There was a relatively fast turnaround for Biden to nominate Christy Goldsmith Romero to lead the FDIC after Gruenberg lost the support of Senate Banking Chairman Sherrod Brown (D-OH) and announced his resignation. In order to get nominees confirmed before the election potentially changes the makeup of the Senate, it is understandable that Biden would choose candidates who have been previously vetted and confirmed. Choosing Johnson to take on the financial institutions role at Treasury indicates that the Administration may be seeking to develop cross-agency regulatory frameworks for innovative technologies due to her expertise on the implications of those technologies. Aside from the uncertain outcome of the Presidential election, Democrats are defending 23 of the 33 Senate seats up for election this year. If Romero is confirmed this year, that could leave a Democrat in charge of the FDIC for the next five years and provide some insurance against new Republican leadership of the other banking agencies rolling back interagency rules. Separately, Biden now needs to find two nominees to fill CFTC vacancies to keep the CFTC from operating with a 2 -1 Republican majority. In the meantime, the clock is ticking to fill all of these positions and to complete both agencies’ rulemaking agendas, which may be on hold for the time being.
Our Take
Another legal win for the industry that will empower further challenges to the SEC’s authority. This decision was not only a victory for the private fund advisors that will no longer have to undertake the significant effort needed to comply with the rules, it is an encouraging sign for all the various industry groups challenging SEC rulemaking. While the SEC’s decision to split the single proposed rule into five final rules may have been intended to preserve some provisions in the event of some being vacated, this decision showed that such a strategy would not get around challenges to the authority to promulgate the rules in the first place. The court’s opinion that the SEC’s authority in this space is effectively limited to protecting retail investors against fraud jeopardizes SEC Chair Gary Gensler’s mission to comprehensively increase transparency of private fund fees, expenses and performance. Although the SEC could appeal the decision, it would face an uphill battle to get the rule reinstated by a conservative majority Supreme Court that has been skeptical of agency authority claims.
Our Take
The CFPB is continuing to go full steam ahead. Following the recent Supreme Court decision upholding the CFPB’s funding structure as constitutional, the agency has wasted no time in vigorously pursuing rulemaking, guidance and enforcement actions. Considering that the CFPB is actively recruiting enforcement attorneys, this momentum is set to only pick up, with a final open banking rule and proposals around data brokers’ and large firms’ use of customer data likely to come before the election. Firms should also anticipate continued high scrutiny of areas that have become key priorities under Chopra’s tenure such as junk fees, contract clauses that the agency considers unfair, deceptive or abusive as well as issues related to fair lending, anti-competitive practices and big tech companies offering financial services.
Legal and political challenges remain. While the CFPB cleared a major legal challenge, individual rulemakings are likely to continue to face challenges under claims that the agency (a) issued the rules arbitrarily and capriciously and (b) failed to perform an adequate cost benefit analysis. The upcoming Supreme Court decision around agencies’ abilities to interpret statutes that Congress directs them to administer could open the door for even more legal challenges around the CFPB’s interpretation of terms such as “unfair, deceptive, or abusive acts or practices” as well as its ability to oversee nonbanks and areas such as AI and digital assets.1 To the extent the CFPB needs additional authority from Congress - as Chopra hinted while discussing use of consumer data for targeted advertising - it is unlikely to find support considering the stark Republican opposition displayed at the hearings. Further, Republicans’ continued attacks on efforts related to junk fees and enforcement against nonbanks is a reminder of the potential effect of a change in Administration following the upcoming election.
1 See Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo, which challenges the longstanding “Chevron deference” precedent of deferring to agency’s statutory interpretations.
Our Take
This new round of sanctions significantly expands the legal risk faced by all companies, particularly non-US financial institutions. These firms have long relied on the fact that “secondary sanctions” - which block firms that conduct business with sanctioned parties from the US financial system - required that they “knowingly” engage in such activity. Following Treasury’s expansion of secondary sanctions in December, which opened the possibility that firms could be cut off from the US financial system even if they do not know they are transacting with sanctioned parties, some firms have been challenged by the increased due diligence expectations regarding customers, counterparties and transactions. The further expansion of this authority to include all persons designated under EO 14024 will significantly expand these obligations.
In response, non-US financial institutions - especially those with higher risk of inadvertently conducting business with Russia-affiliated entities - should conduct additional diligence on their current customer base across the enterprise. They should also consider using existing technology and tools to detect difficult-to-identify beneficial owners and other obfuscated parties.
These notable developments hit our radar recently: